For a better understanding: The Court held (in the circumstances of this case) that a legal obligation to decrypt E2E communications is a disproportionate interference with the right to privacy. The law in question specifically obligated messengers such as Telegram to hand over communications alongside the "information necessary to decrypt electronic messages if they were encrypted".
To come to that conclusion, it referred to the wide-scale impact such a weakening of E2E through backdoors would have and referred to "calls for alternative 'solutions to decryption without weakening the protective mechanisms, both in legislation and through continuous technical evolution.'" Looking at the cited material, these include traditional policing, undercover operations, metadata analysis, international police cooperation, live forensics on seized devices, guessing or obtaining private keys held by parties to the communication, using vulnerabilities in the target’s software or sending an implant to targeted devices.
While a ruling on a specific case (and law), the Court seems quite skeptical towards any "requirement that providers of such services weaken the encryption mechanism for all users". If I were the UK government, I would be quite worried that the UK Online Safety Bill will be overturned by domestic courts (or the European Court) on the basis of this ruling.
(It should be noted that, although the backdooring of E2E was considered to go beyond how the right to privacy may legitimately be restricted, the right to privacy is a so-called derogable right, i.e. a government can, upon declaration of a state of emergency, derogate from the right insofar that is necessary to address an emergency "threatening the life of the nation" (Art 15 ECHR))
Relevant paragraphs are paras 76-80 here: https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng/#{%22itemid%22:[%22001-230854...}
It's worth noting that UK courts can't overturn Acts of Parliament.
The best they can do is issue a declaration of incompatibility, which enables ministers to use secondary legislation to correct any defect rather than having to go through the process of passing another act (if they have the political will to do so...).
Having said that, a lot of how the Online Safety Act tries to get things done is through secondary legislation and statutory codes and guidelines; these all can be quashed by the courts (unless the Act constrains the way the other instruments are made in such a way that it'd be illegal not to make an infringing instrument) so it'll be interesting to see how that plays out.
Interesting. I didn't know this, and as an American, it seems quite odd. Decisions by the parliament are treated as immutable there?
Here, if a bill passed by Congress is deemed unconstitutional, it can be struck down by the Supreme Court.
The only constitution that the UK has consists of Acts of Parliament. So I don't know why it should seem odd; the US courts can't strike clauses of the US Constitution, and the UK courts can't strike Acts.
Amusingly, the UK government is currently trying to pass an Act to the effect that black is equivalent to white, i.e. that Rwanda is a safe country to which asylum seekers can be sent. This is analogous to the State of Indiana trying to legislate that the value of Pi shall be 3.2. You can't legislate a fact.
In the US, it's quite hard to change the constitution. It requires agreement from 2/3rds of Congress followed by ratification by the individual legislatures of 3/4ths of the states. Such a thing has not been done since 1992, and not on a politically charged question since 1971.
There is also a convention of the states that can change the constitution. It has been talked about by various groups from time to time, but has never happened.
Are you sure? Isn't that how the ban on alcohol was lifted?
We’re a 235-year old republic. Changing the firmware once every 10 to 15% of the time seems fine.
This is a feature. If a question is charged it should be resolved first federally, through the states, and then politically, via the legislature. Only once there is consensus should it be elevated to Constitutional status. That is the only way to get a Constitution Americans believe in with intergenerational force.
It's definitely odd! That's not a reason for UK courts not to strike down acts, or more properly, to have judicial review.
Take Canada. Canada has a Supreme Court and no written constitution. The formal divorce between Canada and the UK was not long ago so we inherited the same legal framework (modulo Quebec but it doesn't play a role here). Yet the Canadian Supreme Court can and does strike down federal laws! Actually, provincial courts can too, and then the federal government gets to appeal to them to the Supreme Court if it wishes.
Take Israel. There's no written constitution. Just the Basic Laws. They're just laws, they can be amended at any time. Yet, the Supreme Court can and does strike down laws. It's even striking down changes to the Basic Laws. That's part of the current political strife.
There is a worldwide movement for judicial review. Usually, supreme courts start with conservative powers and then grow them. Judicial review is not explicitly called out in the US constitution either. The US Supreme Court had to assert that it can strike down unconstitutional laws. This took about 15 years and some careful wrangling. The particular argument of Marbury v. Madison doesn't apply to the UKSC of course.
But there are already law review articles spelling out other legal theories that could be used to assert that the UKSC has the power to strike down Acts. I suspect the UKSC will follow other supreme courts and free themselves of Parliament in the coming decades.
Canada's constitution has written and unwritten parts. The Constitution Act of 1982 (which includes the Charter of Rights and Freedoms), for example, is a written part of Canada's constitution. Changing the charter would require the procedure for constitutional change, which is rather difficult. It's not something that can be amended like a normal act of the parliament.
I think that in the UK, judicial review doesn't apply to Acts of Parliament. It applies to administrative decisions, so things like employment tribunals, benefits decisions, medical decisions and so on. Judges aren't supposed to be able to reverse legislation (although, in practice, they can fatally undermine it).
Putting aside whether the UK government's approach is a sensible one (which in my view it isn't) we should be aware that:
"the UNHCR, with financial support from the EU, has transferred refugees from Libya to Rwanda under a scheme called the Emergency Transit Mechanism (ETM) [..] The ETM offers vulnerable refugees, taken into detention by the Libyan authorities, a choice to have their application processed in Rwanda."[0]
"In 2019, the [Rwandan] Government established the Emergency Transit Mechanism (ETM) Centre that hosted 824 refugees evacuated from Libya. Currently, the transit centre hosts 371 evacuees while working on long-term solutions continues. By the end of 2021, 462 refugees had resettled to third countries so far."[1]
So Rwanda was apparently safe enough for the UNHCR to offer to process some refugees there.
[0] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-67431602
[1] https://www.unhcr.org/uk/countries/rwanda
Yup, that's because the UK doesn't have a constitution.
It doesn't have a codified constitution in the US sense but it does have a constitution:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_United_Kin...
Edit: I would certainly agree that having constitution in this form isn't a great idea...
Frankly, the US system isn't exactly a resounding vindication of written constitutions either. Arguably the UK system has displayed considerably greater flexibility. For example the US president is still basically an elected George III.
A written constitution doesn't really seem to work out better, though, does it?
Well it does, in written bits in various places, and some as precedent.
However it is a bit more complex. England has a constitution (that collection above), Scotland has a different (and somewhat incompatible) constitution.
The incompatibility being where the seat of Sovereignty lies. In Scotland with the people, in England with the Monarch (but wrested away by Parliament).
So when the two countries formed the new state of Great Britain, and dissolved their prior states, they granted it a minimal constitution. However they couldn't grant more than they had, and the Scottish grantors did not hold sovereignty. Hence claiming that UK Parliament is sovereign is to presume that England annexed Scotland.
That continuing incompatibility is (IMO) why we've never had a single written GB/UK constitution, and probably never will. It will require addressing the fact that we're acting as if Scotland was annexed, and to put that in writing will cause its own problems.
Parliament is sovereign. Basically, as long as Parliament says so, it can do what it wants, although it can be slowed down by institutions like the Supreme Court or the royal family. There is no real separation powers.
Which _sounds_ bad, but the UK has an extremely long history of relative stability compared to basically anywhere else on the planet, so something must be going right.
This stability presupposes a presence of adults in the room.
Yes, and no.
Parliament is sovereign -- it is the supreme legal authority.
But it cannot bind its successors. So any law parliament creates, any decision can be overturned by a subsequent parliament.
Is that not similar to how the US constitution is managed? It was amended and latter un-amended in the case of prohibition (18th and 21st amendments)
Yeah, I don't think it's quite as simple as commentators are making out, because ECJ rulings have roughly constitutional-level effects in disapplying Acts.
They aren't immutable, but they can only be changed by Parliament:
"the courts cannot overrule its legislation and no Parliament can pass laws that future Parliaments cannot change. Parliamentary sovereignty is the most important part of the UK constitution"
https://www.parliament.uk/about/how/role/sovereignty/
Judicial review isn't necessarily an obvious or completely desirable concept. It's not in the US Constitution either, and Marbury v. Madison is still somewhat controversial.
Eh. I think that grossly understates https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R_(Factortame_Ltd)_v_Secretary... ; while it does not remove the law from the books, incompatibility with ECJ rulings does effectively disapply the law.
This is why there's such a fight over the Rwanda bill: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-68283703 . ECHR is effectively constitutional law in the UK, not an ordinary Act of Parliament. Courts have ruled that deporting people to dangerous countries breaches ECHR. The government is trying to legislate the ""fact"" that Rwanda is ""safe"" in order to circumvent that, because they're not quite yet ready to throw out ECHR entirely and haven't had decades to pack the courts.
Well, yes, there's some nuance here. Where there's an Act of Parliament that says courts can dis-apply other Acts of Parliament then the courts can do so.
But the Human Rights Act does not do this, even though it has quasi-constitutional status, and as far as I know now that the European Communities Act has been repealed no Act of Parliament does this.
A better case to cite than Factortame would be R (Jackson) v Attorney General, where the House of Lords (in its judicial function before that was removed to the Supreme Court) entertained the idea that in extremis parliamentary sovereignty was not absolute.
If the government continues its showdown over Rwanda the Supreme Court might be forced to re-visit that idea.
But the law as it is applied right now means that courts cannot overturn actsof Parliament.
The best isn't necessarily a declaration of incompatibility, that's mostly specific to ECHR.
In general if parliament passes legislation that contradicts earlier legislation that wasn't repealed and it wasn't deliberate then a judge can determine that parliament didn't intend to override that earlier legislation and that the new legislation doesn't apply in a given context.
Parliamentary supremacy exists, but only where parliament takes a deliberate action.
I wholeheartedly recommend How Parliament Works¹ for people who want a deep dive on these points. It is nowhere near as dry as you'd imagine for a five hundred page book about parliament.
While used copies are super cheap I'd also recommend picking up a current revision. Recent years have seen far more use(or attempts to use) some of the more obscure tools of both houses. The updates include more explanation of those topics, along with descriptions of recent cases before the courts.
¹ https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/1032015012
The UK wants to leave the ECHR[0], so they might be able to get around it — unfortunately.
—
[0]: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2023/03/uk-must-not-sleepwalk-l...
The UK DOES NOT WANT TO LEAVE THE ECHR.
Select people in the government want to, not the whole of UK.
I think it is more correct to use 'UK' (or any other country) just for government and its institutions than for the body of its citizens.
A minor quibble. The UK is a 'state', not a 'country'.
It comprises of countries: Scotland, England, Wales, and a small chunk of Ireland.
As recognized by the rest of the world, the United Kingdom actually is a country.
Internally may be different, but technically it is a country.
A political union of four member countries — but still recognized as a country.
I think the post you're replying to is rightfully observing that that semantic ambiguity creates harm, by equating the position of a country's government to the position of a country's people. Being more specific and saying "a faction within the UK government wants to..." seems like a better framing for any discussion.
The coverage I heard on the BBC and NPR in the States about Brexit and UK public sentiment was a complete inversion of reality. I'm reluctant to believe anyone telling me what the UK wants.
Nobody really knows what public sentiment is in the UK, because nobody is asking. They're all just telling the people what they 'want'.
The sample sizes for any polls are tiny, and the areas/people that are sampled are not comprehensive.
It's fairly likely that the people (or a majority of) want the Tories out, as all sides are suggesting that and it's about the only consensus we see.
Brexit was such a mess of misinformation and rushed voting, on something that the majority of people had no idea 'what' they were really voting for, that it should never have been taken as binding - and it probably wouldn't have been if the remain vote won.
At this point, it's unclear if the UK will start to even recover in the next 5 years, or just keep getting worse.
Good clarification.
Personally I just hope we can remove those “select people” from office before they can actually carry out their plan.
You can’t remove the administrative state. It’ll be happy to sustain the illusion of “democracy” for you by throwing a few of its representatives under the bus every now and again, but in the end all of the candidates you get to vote for are 100% acceptable to the administrative state and are anointed by it.
To tack onto this I don't think most people in the UK understand what the ECHR does and why leaving the EU didn't alter our obligations under the ECHR.
The media carries a lot of responsibility for that but not all of it - nearly every person in the UK carries a little box with access to a huge chunk of the sum total of all human knowledge, they just choose to not to use it.
If that sounds elitist or arrogant it's because I've about reached my limit with ignorant people refusing to understand the world is messy and complex.
It doesn't sound elitist or arrogant - quite the opposite. It just assumes that people know what's true and what's not up front, and know when the media is telling them the truth. Their little box doesn't only tell them true things.
The UK leaving the ECHR, at this point, seems incredibly far-fetched; even amongst the Tories it's hardly a consensus position, and they realistically only have a few month of working time left before the next election.
*when no adequate safeguards against abuse are in place
Unfortunately it is not as straightforward as that it's incompatible altogether. Per this ruling, it's only incompatible when there are no good safeguards (they use the word "adequate" in one place and "suitable" in another, neither is very specific about what it means)
Yes, that is very true. The Court generally does not oppose surveillance measures in general, as long as adequate safeguards are in place. However, I read the relevant paragraphs (paras 76-79) to be quite a strong rejection of any statutory obligation that would effectively require the installation of a backdoor undermining E2EE. The criticism of a lack of adequate safeguards and the risk of abuse is more focused on other aspects of the law.
That also becomes clear in the key paragraph 80: "The Court concludes from the foregoing that the contested legislation providing for the retention of all Internet communications of all users, the security services’ direct access to the data stored _without adequate safeguards against abuse_ and the _requirement to decrypt encrypted communications_, as applied to end-to-end encrypted communications, cannot be regarded as necessary in a democratic society"
The Court does not qualify the requirement to decrypt E2EE communications with the same safeguards requirements. That of course does not exclude the possibility of the Court finding that a more narrowly-construed law is not in violation. But the Court clearly signals its skepticism towards any "requirement that providers of such services weaken the encryption mechanism for all users" (para 79).
Yes, this was a problem all along with arguments against surveillance (/encryption weakening) based on "it can be abused by bad actors" - it implies that one would be ok with surveillance if it could not be abused by bad actors. While it's tempting to use such arguments (it looks like they had effect in this case at least) it remains necessary to emphasize the true reasons one takes a stand against surveillance e.g. authoritarian overreach or a fundamental right to privacy.
Do you think that phone taps and mail-opening warrants, issued by judges, based on evidence submitted to the court that such warrants are appropriately targetted and based on existing evidence and reasonable suspicion, are intrinsically "authoritarian overreach"?
Not inherently, but they become overreach when they start claiming that they should be able to apply to E2EE protocols.
If you want the data from an E2EE protocol, serve an appropriately targeted and scoped warrant to one of the endpoints. This also provides an opportunity for legal challenge (e.g. for scope overreach).
From paragraph 64:
I am not a lawyer and not motivated enough to go read those decisions, but if anyone is curious that is probably the place to start to figure out what might count as "adequate safeguards".
The UK government almost seem to be deliberately passing multiple pieces of legislation that they know will be overturned due to ECHR, because they believe such rulings would strengthen their argument for withdrawing from the convention.